Introduction
The aim of this brief introduction is to discuss the life and work of Adolf Schlatter, with a few notes on the theological trends of his day and how he engaged them. Unfortunately, Schlatter has been underrated in the world of New Testament studies (particularly in the English speaking world). It is hoped that the recent availability of some of his works in English will spark interest in a new generation of Bible students. In his massive history of NT research, William Baird said of Schlatter, “In the genealogy of NT scholarship, Schlatter, like Melchizedek, is without father or mother; he stands alone.”[1]
Biographical Overview
Adolf Schlatter was born in St. Gallen, Switzerland in 1852. As a boy he studied the usual elementary subjects, as well as philosophy, Greek, and Latin (more usual in former times). He was also a nature lover, who enjoyed learning about the plants and animals of his beloved country. Schlatter grew up in a committed Christian home, where he saw love in action in the warm bond between his father and mother.[2] He always looked back fondly on his upbringing. Although he grew up as a Christian, years later when asked about his conversion, he said, “when people ask me to describe the day of my conversion, I am inclined to tell them that it was the day of my decision to study theology.”[3]
By the time Schlatter entered university in the 1870’s the influence of the Enlightenment had taken hold in all the faculties in the universities, including the theology faculties (with the exception of the Roman Catholic theological faculties which took much longer to put historical-critical methods to work in their study of Scripture). The Enlightenment could be summed up as the period when human reason was elevated to the status of arbiter of truth, and emphasis was placed on individual human autonomy.[4] Instead of looking to the Bible to be the arbiter of truth, philosophers (and eventually the Western population in general) began to look within themselves for the discovery of truth. Eventually biblical scholars began to elevate their reason above Scripture, so that they became the judges of Scripture, rather than the other way around. Use of reason became rationalism. Of the Enlightenment, Anthony Thiselton writes: “The Enlightenment person is self-sufficient, autonomous, and free. As we might expect, this had severe consequences for how one went about biblical interpretation.”[5]
It amounted to a paradigm shift in academic circles, the implications of which are still being investigated today. It changed the way philosophy and biblical hermeneutics were done. Rationalistic skepticism became the starting point in the criticism of the text of the Bible. Reverent criticism gave way to suspicion and doubt about the historical trustworthiness of certain portions of the Bible.
Adolf Schlatter entered upon his university studies in this atmosphere. He had reservations about pursuing theological studies because he was concerned that it would rob him of all faith in the trustworthiness of the Bible. In the end, by the encouragement of his sister, he decided to study theology.[6] Schlatter studied philosophy first in Basel, and then theology at Tübingen. He finished his academic studies at Basel after three semesters in Tübingen. Years later he said that Tübingen was “‘incomparably more important’ for his ‘religious and theological development than the time spent in Basel.’”[7]
Influences on Schlatter
According to his biographer, some of the main influences in Schlatter’s life were his parents, his philosophy professor, Karl Steffensen, and his theology professor at Tübingen, Johann T. Beck. Schlatter always revered his father and mother. They had a profound impact on his faith. His father became a pietist before Adolf Schlatter was born, but his mother chose to remain, with their children, in the Reformed state church. The Schlatter parents were surprisingly united in faith despite their disagreement over church membership.[8] Their example “preserved [Schlatter] from becoming a reactionary confessional theologian.”[9] In his first stay at Basel he committed himself to the teaching of his philosophy professor, Karl Steffensen. Through Steffensen, he gained a solid grounding in the history of philosophy. Schlatter even had the opportunity to study under Friedrich Nietzsche, though he found him to be an arrogant man devoid of love for his students.[10] When he moved to Tübingen he came under the instruction of Johann T. Beck. He found Beck’s devotion to Christ and his careful handling of the Bible to be a breath of fresh air. “From Beck Schlatter learned that fidelity to the truth of Scripture need not—as liberal thought of the time feared—improperly restrict or even do violence to theological reflection.”[11] He ended up following Beck's example in his own thorough handling of Scripture and devotion to Christ, but Schlatter specialized in history (in the field of New Testament theology) and exegesis, whereas Beck was primarily a dogmatician. Beck did not focus on the details of the Sitz im Leben (life setting of the biblical world) like his student. For Schlatter, the historical details were where the truth could be found. If the Christ of the NT authors was not also the Jesus of history, then the faith of the church would be proved false. During that same time, Schlatter also devoted many hours of study to Martin Luther’s teachings, especially on justification.
Schlatter’s Career
Schlatter had a long and distinguished career. He taught at Bern (1881-1888) as lecturer in New Testament, historical theology, and philosophy; then at Greifswald (1888-1893) as professor of New Testament; then at Berlin[12] (1893-1898) as professor of systematic theology; and finally he finished out his career at Tübingen (1898-1922) as professor of New Testament. Schlatter published works in a number of different disciplines, as can be seen from his various posts as a New Testament professor, as well as a stint as systematic theologian, along with lecturing in philosophy and historical theology. Some of his notable works are:
1. Der Glaube im Neuen Testament (Faith in the New Testament) which was an exhaustive study of the word “faith” and considers Second Temple sources, as well as the New Testament.[13] This is quite notable since almost everyone else was looking to Greek philosophy for the background material of the New Testament instead of Second Temple Judaism, the Old Testament, or first century Palestinian Judaism.[14]
2. Erlӓuterungen zum Neuen Testament (Expositions of the New Testament) which was a set of commentaries on every book of the New Testament for advanced lay readers and pastors.[15]
3. He wrote nine critical commentaries on the Gospels, Romans (there is an English translation of this volume), 1 & 2 Corinthians, the Pastorals, James and 1 Peter.[16]
4. A two-volume New Testament Theology, Die Theologie des Neuen Testament.[17] This can be found in a recent two-volume English translation by Andreas Kӧstenberger under the titles, The History of the Christ and The History of the Apostles.
5. A systematic theology, Das christliche Dogma (Christian Dogmatics).[18]
6. Die christliche Ethik (Christian Ethics).[19] This work was still being used in the medical field as of the 1980’s.
7. As well as Die philosophische Arbeit seit Cartesius (History of Philosophy since Descartes) and Metaphysik: Eine Skizze (Metaphysics: A Sketch).[20]
The Center of Schlatter’s Theology
Schlatter was different than most of his contemporaries because of his willingness to listen to the NT witness, and his corresponding faith in the historicity of the biblical events. Rudolf Bultmann wrote a New Testament theology a generation after Schlatter, but the two works were vastly different. Bultmann’s discussion of the life and work of Christ lasted a mere 35 pages, but Schlatter wrote over 500 pages on the life and work of Jesus.[21] He said, “The first and to me dearest task was passing along the word of Jesus. I rejected the move of slotting Jesus’ word into just one chapter of New Testament theology, because this would obscure the fundamental significance that it has for the church.”[22] While others, such as Schleiermacher and Bultmann, talked much about faith, in the end their version of faith was based on feeling and conjecture. Schlatter was interested in a faith with concrete historical significance. He wanted to know what the eyewitnesses said about Jesus, and how they passed along Jesus’ words. The only way to access that is through the Gospels, the very documents that men like Bultmann and Wrede had deconstructed until there was virtually nothing left. The opening words to Schlatter’s 1920 edition of The History of the Christ reads, “The knowledge of Jesus is the foremost, indispensible centerpiece of New Testament theology.”[23]
Conclusion
Conclusion
Schlatter's influence has been profound on many of his students and readers (among whom can be named Karl Barth, Gerhard Kittel, Peter Stuhlmacher, Gerhard Maier, Robert Yarbrough and Andreas Kӧstenberger). His work in the areas of philosophy, history, and New Testament theology are still essential building blocks for the church today. Schlatter's methods (see especially the book by Robert Morgan--on my sidebar--for Schlatter's historical method where he gives the "principles which have directed my work," referring to his NT Theology) should serve as an example of how theologians ought to study their subject matter. He asked many of the right questions in his generation, and points us in a helpful direction in our day. Schlatter points us to faith in the witness of Scripture, and he calls us to rigorous observation of (and commitment to) what that witness says.
[1] William Baird, History of New Testament Research, vol. 2 (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003), 373.
[2] Werner Neuer, Adolf Schlatter, trans. Robert Yarbrough (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1996), 24.
[3] Neuer, 38.
[4] Robert C. Solomon, Introducing Philosophy, 8th ed. (New York: Oxford UP, 2005), 16-17.
[5] Anthony C. Thiselton, Hermeneutics: An Introduction, (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2009), 138.
[6] Neuer, 38-41.
[7] Neuer, 55.
[8] Neuer, 32.
[9] Neuer, 32.
[10] Neuer, 44.
[11] Neuer, 54.
[12] He served as the conservative counterpart to Adolf von Harnack and developed a cordial friendship with him during his time in Berlin.
[13] Robert Yarbrough, “Adolf Schlatter,” Historical Handbook of Major Biblical Interpreters, Donald McKim ed. (Downers Grove, IL: IVP, 1998), 519.
[14] Schlatter had a well grounded “conviction that first century Judaism and particularly the Palestinian synagogue hold important keys for accurate interpretation of the gospel accounts.” Robert Yarbrough, The Salvation Historical Fallacy? History of Biblical Interpretation Series (Leiden: Deo Publishing, 2003), 85.
[15] Yarbrough, Handbook of Interpreters, 519.
[16] Yarbrough, Handbook of Interpreters, 520.
[17] Yarbrough, Handbook of Interpreters, 520.
[18] Yarbrough, Handbook of Interpreters, 520.
[19] Yarbrough, Handbook of Interpreters, 520.
[20] Yarbrough, Handbook of Interpreters, 520.
[21] Robert Yarbrough, “Adolf Schlatter,” Dictionary of Major Biblical Interpreters, Donald McKim ed. (Downers Grove, IL: IVP, 2007), 882.
[22] Neuer, Adolf Schlatter, 117.
[23] Adolf Schlatter, The History of the Christ, trans. Andreas Kӧstenberger (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 1997), 21.
